Posted on This is My Truth on 20 November
Huw Irranca Davies makes this case in the Western Mail this morning for delaying the referendum beyond 2011. I’ve heard very serious people outside the Labour Party say the same thing.
I am concerned about the game of chicken that seems to be going on within the Cardiff Bay bubble, with enthusiasts for a referendum goading each other to race across the road confident of avoiding the juggernaught of public opinion.
Though there is merit in Geraint Talfarn Davies’ argument that “our politicians are going to have to make their own weather on this issue”, the consequeneces of losing the referendum are too great to rush into it.
My own view is that the All Wales Convention has not properly addressed the long-term issues and has locked itself into the sterile trajectory of Peter Hain’s Government of Wales Act
As I’ve argued repeatedly in recent days, the offer on the table is not so much extra powers but a different way of aquiring them. The Assembly would still be the poor relation of the Scottish Parliament, both in scope and shape.
Public opinon is volatile and the narrative of a yes campaign not yet clear. I’m less concerned about the sub-text of Huw Irranca Davies’ argument (that Labour need time to unite before a referendum is triggered), than I am about the need to get this right.
I would rather time to build a consensus around revisiting the settlement and fighting a referendum on a stable model of devolution that would last more than 10 years, rather than risk defeat for another flawed outcome.
Friday, 20 November 2009
Thursday, 19 November 2009
A case in point
Posted on This is My Truth on 19 November
So its official, the LCO system is flawed
On the day the All Wales Convention delivered its verdict, the Assembly's Enterprise Committee was meeting behind closed doors to discuss the progress of its own bid for extra powers. There was exciting news. Ministers were dropping their opposition, and if the committee was willing to agree to a delay WAG would swing behind the draft Highways & Transportation LCO in the spring and negotiate its passage through Whitehall.
As the Committee Chair Gareth Jones put it, “This is a triple first when it comes to creating new laws for Wales. Not only is this the first LCO to be proposed by an Assembly Committee but it is also the first to come directly from the National Assembly’s petitions process. Furthermore, the petition came directly from civic society”. He added "It’s democracy in action.”
Well, up to a point Lord Copper.
An important point of principle has been conceded, and now the LCO has cross party support and the blessing of the Minister. But even with a fair wind the LCO is going to struggle to get on the statute book by 2012 – assuming there is Whitehall co-operation. Then there's the business of consulting and agreeing on an Assembly Measure.
Remember the LCO system was meant to speed things up. It has taken me two years to get to this point - and there still hasn't been a vote in principle on the Assembly floor, let alone engagement with Westminster.
As I set out in my evidence to the All Wales Convention on behalf of Sustrans, “We do not believe the current settlement is satisfactory, stable or sustainable”.
The All Wales Convention agrees. But even if we draw down the powers in the 2006 Government of Wales Act, we will still have an unclear division of powers. Unlike the Scottish model where there is a list of powers that are reserved for Westminster and the rest go to Holyrood, we’ll continue to have ‘jagged edges’ – to use the phrase of Lord Richard.
Will we be still having this debate in ten years time? Maybe by then we’ll have succeeded in getting our Assembly Measure passed!
*I try to keep my professional and personal activities seperate on this blog but please excuse me this once.
So its official, the LCO system is flawed
On the day the All Wales Convention delivered its verdict, the Assembly's Enterprise Committee was meeting behind closed doors to discuss the progress of its own bid for extra powers. There was exciting news. Ministers were dropping their opposition, and if the committee was willing to agree to a delay WAG would swing behind the draft Highways & Transportation LCO in the spring and negotiate its passage through Whitehall.
As the Committee Chair Gareth Jones put it, “This is a triple first when it comes to creating new laws for Wales. Not only is this the first LCO to be proposed by an Assembly Committee but it is also the first to come directly from the National Assembly’s petitions process. Furthermore, the petition came directly from civic society”. He added "It’s democracy in action.”
Well, up to a point Lord Copper.
An important point of principle has been conceded, and now the LCO has cross party support and the blessing of the Minister. But even with a fair wind the LCO is going to struggle to get on the statute book by 2012 – assuming there is Whitehall co-operation. Then there's the business of consulting and agreeing on an Assembly Measure.
Remember the LCO system was meant to speed things up. It has taken me two years to get to this point - and there still hasn't been a vote in principle on the Assembly floor, let alone engagement with Westminster.
As I set out in my evidence to the All Wales Convention on behalf of Sustrans, “We do not believe the current settlement is satisfactory, stable or sustainable”.
The All Wales Convention agrees. But even if we draw down the powers in the 2006 Government of Wales Act, we will still have an unclear division of powers. Unlike the Scottish model where there is a list of powers that are reserved for Westminster and the rest go to Holyrood, we’ll continue to have ‘jagged edges’ – to use the phrase of Lord Richard.
Will we be still having this debate in ten years time? Maybe by then we’ll have succeeded in getting our Assembly Measure passed!
*I try to keep my professional and personal activities seperate on this blog but please excuse me this once.
Sunday, 15 November 2009
What has Sir Emz got up his sleeve?
Posted on This is My Truth on November 15th
So Emz (as he's known to his friends) will deliver his big report this week.
I've set out my own views on the All Wales Convention Convention, and on the points they've been considering. More important is the question of what will flow from the report. The worst kept secret in Cardiff Bay seems to be that the Convention will encourage AMs to trigger a referendum. I'm sure it will flesh out what the latest YouGov poll showed, that the referendum is winnable but not yet won. But might Sir Emz go further?
The former UN Ambassador teased us with his comment that people will be surprised by the "extent of its recommendations". What's he got up his sleeve? I wonder if he'll suggest that the devolution settlement go beyond the 2006 Government of Wales Act?
The One Wales agreement commits Labour and Plaid to "proceed to a successful outcome of a referendum for full law-making powers under Part IV as soon as practicable, at or before the end of the Assembly term".
A Yes vote based on the powers in the Government of Wales Act would improve the devolution settlement, but it would still be messy. By moving from Part III to Part IV the Assembly would have the power to pass laws without recourse to Westminster in areas devolved to Wales. But there would still be 'jagged edges' (to use the words of the Richard Commission). There would still be gaps and some ambiguity over what AMs can and cannot do.
A far more sustainable model would be to replicate the Scottish model where the areas reserved to Westminster are clearly set out and the rest is for Holyrood. But that does not seem to be an area where the Convention can examine - if it sticks to its terms and conditions. But if I am corresctly interpreting Sir Emyr's hint, it may be something that they have decided to do anyway.
And why stop there? Even the practiced fence sitter Glyn Davies suggests that the range of devolved powers should be extended.
If we are going to have a referendum it should settle the question for a generation. Much as Peter Hain tried to claim that his clever fix did that, I suspect it was said more in hope than expectation.
I fully expect Sir Emyr's report to be nuanced, but that doesn't preclude a measure of boldness...
So Emz (as he's known to his friends) will deliver his big report this week.
I've set out my own views on the All Wales Convention Convention, and on the points they've been considering. More important is the question of what will flow from the report. The worst kept secret in Cardiff Bay seems to be that the Convention will encourage AMs to trigger a referendum. I'm sure it will flesh out what the latest YouGov poll showed, that the referendum is winnable but not yet won. But might Sir Emz go further?
The former UN Ambassador teased us with his comment that people will be surprised by the "extent of its recommendations". What's he got up his sleeve? I wonder if he'll suggest that the devolution settlement go beyond the 2006 Government of Wales Act?
The One Wales agreement commits Labour and Plaid to "proceed to a successful outcome of a referendum for full law-making powers under Part IV as soon as practicable, at or before the end of the Assembly term".
A Yes vote based on the powers in the Government of Wales Act would improve the devolution settlement, but it would still be messy. By moving from Part III to Part IV the Assembly would have the power to pass laws without recourse to Westminster in areas devolved to Wales. But there would still be 'jagged edges' (to use the words of the Richard Commission). There would still be gaps and some ambiguity over what AMs can and cannot do.
A far more sustainable model would be to replicate the Scottish model where the areas reserved to Westminster are clearly set out and the rest is for Holyrood. But that does not seem to be an area where the Convention can examine - if it sticks to its terms and conditions. But if I am corresctly interpreting Sir Emyr's hint, it may be something that they have decided to do anyway.
And why stop there? Even the practiced fence sitter Glyn Davies suggests that the range of devolved powers should be extended.
If we are going to have a referendum it should settle the question for a generation. Much as Peter Hain tried to claim that his clever fix did that, I suspect it was said more in hope than expectation.
I fully expect Sir Emyr's report to be nuanced, but that doesn't preclude a measure of boldness...
Saturday, 7 November 2009
A more optimistic vision ?
Posted on This is My Truth on 7 November
There will be people who think that this is the wrong time to be discussing a referendum, Rhodri Morgan told an audience in Aberystwyth last night. But there will be others who will have “a more optimistic vision”, the First Minister said in a lecture to the Welsh Political Archive.
What could that mean?
I understand he was given the option of the All Wales Convention report being delayed until his successor was in place, but insisted on it landing on his desk.
Those with long memoeries wil recall that Rhodri Morgan initally gerated the publication of the Richard Commission report in 2004 as a “red letter day” for Wales, only to recoil from its main recommendations days later in the face of a backlash from Welsh MPs.
Perhaps this time, as a last hurrah, Rhodri will want to leave ”a more optimistic” legacy?
There will be people who think that this is the wrong time to be discussing a referendum, Rhodri Morgan told an audience in Aberystwyth last night. But there will be others who will have “a more optimistic vision”, the First Minister said in a lecture to the Welsh Political Archive.
What could that mean?
I understand he was given the option of the All Wales Convention report being delayed until his successor was in place, but insisted on it landing on his desk.
Those with long memoeries wil recall that Rhodri Morgan initally gerated the publication of the Richard Commission report in 2004 as a “red letter day” for Wales, only to recoil from its main recommendations days later in the face of a backlash from Welsh MPs.
Perhaps this time, as a last hurrah, Rhodri will want to leave ”a more optimistic” legacy?
Sunday, 1 November 2009
The day the Welsh Secretary nearly died
Posted on This is My Truth on 1 November
Those with long memories will remember the Cabinet re-shuffle in the summer of 2003 as a complete mess. You may recall Peter Hain becoming Leader of the House of Commons(as well as Welsh Secretary), the post of Lord Chancellor abolished and the Wales Office subsumed - administratively at least - into a new Department of Constitutional Affairs.
As someone reporting on all this at the time I remember the confusion amongst Welsh MPs and within the Wales Office at what was going on.
Well, some light has now been shed on it all. Lord Derry Irvine, the Lord Chancellor who was sacked, has now published his personal memo to Tony Blair urging him to tread carefully.
Irvine revals that Blair has originally intended:
"the creation of a Department for Constitutional Affairs with a Secretary of State for Constitutional Affairs with a Secretary of State in the Commons including the responsibilities of the Secretary of State for Wales, the staff of the Scotland Office and ODPM's responsibilities for devolution"
Peter Hain was to be the man who was to head up the new Department of Constitutional Affairs and take on most of the functions of the Lord Chancellor. It would in effect have been the end of the Wales Office and the beginnings of a UK department for devolution.
As it happens Blair pulled back slightly and gave the job of Lord Charlie Falconer and moved Hain to the Commons job, denying the new Constitutional Affairs Department the coherence that was intended.
It is no less a mess than we thought at the time, but fascinating that Blair came so close to creating a Department for the Isles even though he insisted at the next General Election that abolishing the position of Welsh Secretary was not an option.
Those with long memories will remember the Cabinet re-shuffle in the summer of 2003 as a complete mess. You may recall Peter Hain becoming Leader of the House of Commons(as well as Welsh Secretary), the post of Lord Chancellor abolished and the Wales Office subsumed - administratively at least - into a new Department of Constitutional Affairs.
As someone reporting on all this at the time I remember the confusion amongst Welsh MPs and within the Wales Office at what was going on.
Well, some light has now been shed on it all. Lord Derry Irvine, the Lord Chancellor who was sacked, has now published his personal memo to Tony Blair urging him to tread carefully.
Irvine revals that Blair has originally intended:
"the creation of a Department for Constitutional Affairs with a Secretary of State for Constitutional Affairs with a Secretary of State in the Commons including the responsibilities of the Secretary of State for Wales, the staff of the Scotland Office and ODPM's responsibilities for devolution"
Peter Hain was to be the man who was to head up the new Department of Constitutional Affairs and take on most of the functions of the Lord Chancellor. It would in effect have been the end of the Wales Office and the beginnings of a UK department for devolution.
As it happens Blair pulled back slightly and gave the job of Lord Charlie Falconer and moved Hain to the Commons job, denying the new Constitutional Affairs Department the coherence that was intended.
It is no less a mess than we thought at the time, but fascinating that Blair came so close to creating a Department for the Isles even though he insisted at the next General Election that abolishing the position of Welsh Secretary was not an option.
Signs of life
Posted on This is My Truth on 1 November
For me the interesting feature of the leadership election is not the coded attacks, though there are plenty of them, but the early signs of policy innovation.
Labour has struggled to develop policy in Wales. Partly because the culture and structure of the Party has not been geared towards developing separate policy for Wales, and partly because the leading players have been engaged in Governing. New policy has been developed in a hurried, and often shockingly casual way, in the immediate build-up to an election.
The Leadership election is forcing the Labour Party to think about new Welsh policies in the middle of the electoral cycle. And there are encouraging signs.
Dave Hagendyk is right to say that the ideas of Huw Lewis will feature in the next manifesto. So too will the ideas of the other candidates.
Here are three suggestions that caught my eye which I believe deserve a place in Labour’s programme in 2011 – I’ve chosen one from each of the candidates and I’ll let you guess which candidate came up with them:
•Set up a Leadership Academy for public service leaders and managers to promote innovation and spread best practice
•“immersion placements” for students from every school in Wales in Welsh-speaking communities to develop a positive interest in Welsh as a living language.
•A co-ordinated government plan to support looked-after children, putting energies into engaging directly with children affected, reducing educational disruption, enhancing independent advocacy and providing a personal support plan for children leaving care;
Ok, these aren’t exactly radical. But in fairness to all the candidates it is not easy to come up with proposals when the winner will be tied into an already agreed coalition programme for the next two years, and against the backdrop of painful budgets cuts.
Whoever is named Labour leader on December 1st needs to ensure that the process of gathering ideas is not restricted to the periods around elections. It is an essential part of rebuilding the party.
For me the interesting feature of the leadership election is not the coded attacks, though there are plenty of them, but the early signs of policy innovation.
Labour has struggled to develop policy in Wales. Partly because the culture and structure of the Party has not been geared towards developing separate policy for Wales, and partly because the leading players have been engaged in Governing. New policy has been developed in a hurried, and often shockingly casual way, in the immediate build-up to an election.
The Leadership election is forcing the Labour Party to think about new Welsh policies in the middle of the electoral cycle. And there are encouraging signs.
Dave Hagendyk is right to say that the ideas of Huw Lewis will feature in the next manifesto. So too will the ideas of the other candidates.
Here are three suggestions that caught my eye which I believe deserve a place in Labour’s programme in 2011 – I’ve chosen one from each of the candidates and I’ll let you guess which candidate came up with them:
•Set up a Leadership Academy for public service leaders and managers to promote innovation and spread best practice
•“immersion placements” for students from every school in Wales in Welsh-speaking communities to develop a positive interest in Welsh as a living language.
•A co-ordinated government plan to support looked-after children, putting energies into engaging directly with children affected, reducing educational disruption, enhancing independent advocacy and providing a personal support plan for children leaving care;
Ok, these aren’t exactly radical. But in fairness to all the candidates it is not easy to come up with proposals when the winner will be tied into an already agreed coalition programme for the next two years, and against the backdrop of painful budgets cuts.
Whoever is named Labour leader on December 1st needs to ensure that the process of gathering ideas is not restricted to the periods around elections. It is an essential part of rebuilding the party.
Tuesday, 20 October 2009
It's not just houses that people can't afford to fuel
Posted on This is My Truth on October 20th
The Charter aimed at ridding Wales of fuel poverty by 2018 launched today outlined how one in four Welsh households suffered from fuel poverty, meaning they have to spend 10% or more of their income on heating.
Though the concept of fuel poverty is familiar to us the figures are stark and shocking. Perhaps less well known is the fact that Wales is also riddled with transport poverty.
One in four households don’t have access to a car – in communities like Blaenau Gwent and Merthyr Tydfil as many as 35% of families are car-less. But because jobs and services are often difficult to access by public transport many on low-incomes feel forced to ‘invest’ in a car.
Research shows that buying and running a car is a major cause of people getting into trouble with debts. Those on low-wages who do have cars spend nearly a quarter of their income on the cost of motoring. And the cost is set to rise. The price of oil has already more than doubled since early this year and is predicted to keep on going up.
Transport poverty in Wales will increase further if our society continues to be shaped by the idea that running a car is the same kind of ‘basic need’ as heating our homes. Wales needs to rethink its transport priorities so that sustainable transport options are seen as realistic and convenient for people and owning a car is no longer seen as a necessity but a lifestyle choice.
The Charter aimed at ridding Wales of fuel poverty by 2018 launched today outlined how one in four Welsh households suffered from fuel poverty, meaning they have to spend 10% or more of their income on heating.
Though the concept of fuel poverty is familiar to us the figures are stark and shocking. Perhaps less well known is the fact that Wales is also riddled with transport poverty.
One in four households don’t have access to a car – in communities like Blaenau Gwent and Merthyr Tydfil as many as 35% of families are car-less. But because jobs and services are often difficult to access by public transport many on low-incomes feel forced to ‘invest’ in a car.
Research shows that buying and running a car is a major cause of people getting into trouble with debts. Those on low-wages who do have cars spend nearly a quarter of their income on the cost of motoring. And the cost is set to rise. The price of oil has already more than doubled since early this year and is predicted to keep on going up.
Transport poverty in Wales will increase further if our society continues to be shaped by the idea that running a car is the same kind of ‘basic need’ as heating our homes. Wales needs to rethink its transport priorities so that sustainable transport options are seen as realistic and convenient for people and owning a car is no longer seen as a necessity but a lifestyle choice.
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